TABOOS AS
SOURCES OF SHONA PEOPLE’S ENVIRONMENTAL ETHICS
TINASHE
LADISLOUS ZIMONDI
Department of
Philosophy and Religious Studies, Great Zimbabwe University
ABSTRACT
The Shona
environmental taboos foster a sustainable use of the environment. Among the
Shona people, an unconscious appreciation of certain ‘environmental taboos’
informs an esoteric environmentally based knowledge that is meant at sustainable
use of nature’s resources. Although the Shona society, just like any other
African society, has felt the impact of cultural globalization, some of their
values, such as taboos, have defied such a tide of change and continue to shape
human conduct as it relates to the environment. Shona taboos highlight their
moral import, are crucial in preserving the environment, and protect water
sources, the natural vegetation and wildlife, and endangered nonhuman species.
Keywords: Taboos; Shona;
Environment; Ethics; Sustainable
INTRODUCTION
The Shona people
are the largest ethnic group in Zimbabwe. Approximately three quarters of the
population belong to the Shona cluster, which is a conglomeration of a number
of linguistic groups (Gwaravanda & Masaka, 2008) namely the Korekore,
Karanga, Zezuru, Ndau, Kalanga, and the Manyika. The Shona cluster makes up
around 76% of Zimbabwe’s total population. The Ndebele cluster as well
constitutes about 15% of Zimbabwe’s total population (Weinrich 1982), while the
Tonga, Shangaan, Venda, and other minority groups constitute the remainder
(Weinrich 1977) Taboos (zviera) form an integral part and parcel of the
Shona morality. Among Shona people, environmental taboos have a pivotal moral
role toward the ontological wellbeing of both the individual person and the
environment at large. Prohibitions and restrictions through taboos on
unsustainable use of certain plant species, forests, mountains, rivers, pools
and nonhuman animals, among other ecological species in the ecosystem, is not a
new epistemology among the Shona people, but reflects a long tradition. At the
same time, they are currently very lively and continue to shape Shona
environmental ethics. Although the Shona people have felt the impact of the
full weight of the domineering influence of colonization and globalization,
they have continued to cling on to some of their cherished values, including
taboos. With regard to the continued relevance of taboos in contemporary Shona
societies, Gelfand (1973) rightly notes that “the Shona possess much that is worth
retaining and the prospects are that they will save a good deal of it in
succeeding generations.” Despite the tide of modernity and cultural imports,
contemporary Shona societies remain attached to some of their fundamental
values, such as taboos.
Whether, one has
received a western education or has been imbued with a huge dosage of the
western ways of life, unfailing adherence to certain aspects of Shona way of
life is an actuality. This is true of taboos. Since violation of Shona taboos
are believed to invite an angry reaction at a supernatural level (Tatira,
2000), fear of the unknown discourages the would-be offender of the Shona moral
code to act in such ways that negates the moral code. One aspect of the Shona
cosmology that has not succumbed to the weight of cultural globalization is the
primacy of the spiritual world. Thus, since violation of taboos is thought to
invoke the anger of the spiritual world, no one is prepared to act in ways that
anger the spiritual world even though one had no sufficient knowledge to
validate such claims.
The belief in
the supernatural world and supernatural is still prevalent among African
communities. Hence, for the Shona people, belief in certain avoidance rules has
moral implications on the human person and how one has to relate with his surrounding
environment. According to Tatira (2000), …Shona people often use zviera (taboos)
as one of the ways of teaching young members of their society.
The Shona had,
and still have, unique ways of transmitting social values which are crucial to
the development of their society. Zviera, among other practices,
encourage conformity [to societal expectations on correct human behavior in the
environment].
It is a truism
that for more than a century after contact with the domineering influence of
Western civilization, most traditional Shona values have, to some significant
extent, undergone transformation that has tended to distort the original African
“way of life”. Though it is undeniable fate of history that “since the coming
of the white man in this country, the indigenous people have undergone rapid
change” (Maveneka, 1970). These changes have had far reaching consequences on the
African way of life. However, there are some profound values of the Shona way
of life that have survived this phase of history. There is a lot that has
remained untainted by outside influences, including taboos. The Shona people
have always used taboos to foster desirable conduct in human beings. In this
regard, Gelfand (1973) notes that the Shona people’s way of life “…possess much
that is worth retaining…that they will save…for succeeding generations”, which
includes taboos.
Although for an
outsider of the Shona cosmology, a value system that is rooted in traditional
beliefs and values is likely to prompt anachronism. Shona people still hold on
to taboos, among other traditional moral tools, as crucial traditional instruments
that are used in enforcing desirable human behavior.
Conceptualizing
taboos not simply as avoidance rules that are merely observed by the Shona
people, but as pedagogical tools aimed at inculcating desirable behavior, the
paper assesses the extent to which taboos inform an ‘environmental ethic’ that emphasizes
on deep ecological awareness even though they may appear, on the surface, to be
simple prohibitions on unsustainable use of certain aspects of nature, such as
sacred sites, mountains, rivers, pools, and some nonhuman animals. Shona
environmental taboos transcend simple prohibitions on certain sacred sites,
plants and nonhuman animal species, pools, and rivers, among others, and
enforce a desirable and sustainable use of the environment. In this regard,
Gelfand (1979) argues, and rightly so, that “when [a] collection of [Shona]
avoidance rules is studied, it is evident that correct behavior is being
emphasized.” Thus taboo wisdom is examined as promoting desirable environmental
ethics among the Shona people.
UNDERSTANDING
TABOO WISDOM AMONG THE SHONA
Taboos are
‘avoidance rules’ that forbid members of the human community from performing
certain actions, such as eating some kinds of food, walking on or visiting some
sites that are regarded as sacred, cruelty to nonhuman animals, and using nature’s
resources in an unsustainable manner. For the Shona people, taboos are
understood as specific rules that forbid people from performing certain
actions, otherwise the performance of such forbidden actions is a negation of
the moral code that govern human conduct. The violators of the Shona moral code
as contained in taboos are said to invite misfortunes, for the community and
themselves, such as bad luck, disease, drought, and death. Tatira (2000) said, The
term zviera refers to statements that forbid certain forms of behavior
in children [and adults]. An act that breaches a taboo triggers a reaction
supposedly at the supernatural level. Without this fear of the unknown, young
people are generally adventurous, full of doubts and questions, and like
experimenting with things. To curb the excessive desire to venture out, there
is a ready consequence for each prohibition. Since religion is central to the
Shona worldview, reference to supernatural beings in trying to dissuade people
from performing certain actions that are regarded as immoral is effective
because the Shona spiritual beings are both feared and respected. Hence, a
breach of taboos is understood as a provocation of the Shona spiritual beings
and an invitation of severe punishment.
Shona adherence
to totems is one of the typical examples of the observance of taboos. For
example, if a person belongs to the patrilineal clan of vaera Nzou (those
that must not eat elephant meat), then he is prohibited from eating these
nonhuman animals. It becomes part of that person’s ethos to avoid taking
elephants as a source of meat. For the Shona people, going against such
prohibition invites illness or the loss of the offender’s teeth. Totemism is
crucial in extending some moral consideration to nonhuman animals. Violation of
taboos is feared because of the nasty consequences that the offender would face.
The observance of taboos promotes a virtuous life that fosters a desirable
environmental ethic, while the breaking of taboos leads the moral agent to a
vicious life that disregards not only the moral standing of the environment,
but also its sustainable use.
The undesirable
consequences of violating taboos tend to affect both the offender and the
offended, for instance, the Shona taboo that says that if a person urinates in
water, one would catch bilharzias. This is meant to prevent pollution of a water
source that could potentially pose a health threat to human and nonhuman users
of this water source. Violation of this taboo is believed to lead to the
suffering of the offender, society, and the environment. This understanding of
morality emanates from the African communitarian view of the human person
(Menkiti, 2006) where an individual person’s action can only be understood
within the context of his community. In other words, violation of a taboo by an
individual, among the Shona people, does not only affect the individual person,
but other things in nature as well. The individual person’s ontological status
can only be understood by reference to the community. As Ramose (1999) sees it,
“neither the individual nor the community can define and pursue their
respective purposes without recognizing their mutual foundedness and their
complementarity.”
It is apparent among the Shona people that a violation of taboos by an
individual almost always boils down to the society at large, especially in the
context of ecological problems that may result from the breaking of certain environmental
taboos. People are forced to avoid going against the prescriptions of taboos
because doing so brings about undesirable consequences not only to the
offender, but to society. Thus, taboos have an impact on people’s behavioral
patterns. They promote good behavior among people from childhood to adulthood.
In this light, Bourdillon (1976) noted that “there are many things that influence
people’s behavior. The patterns of thinking and acting that have been instilled
into us as children are fundamental to our instinctive patterns of behavior in
adulthood...” One such pattern of thinking are taboos that are introduced and inculcated
into the minds of children from tender ages as a way of promoting good behavior
that also encompasses a sound environmental ethic. Even though the teaching of
taboos is achieved through indoctrination, (Peters, 1973), it brings about desirable
behavioral patterns that also promote a sound environmental ethic. Shona taboo
wisdom fosters a certain way of behaving that advances the well-being of the
individual, the society and the environment. This tripartite understanding of
the value of taboo wisdom can be exemplified by the case of a person who urinates
in a river. According to this taboo, if a person urinates in a river, he risks
suffering from bilharzia, a painful infection that causes a lot of discomfort
to the patient’s private parts. Therefore, fear of such pain and suffering
deters people from urinating in water sources. Thus, a critical examination of
the philosophy behind this taboo shows that urinating in the river negates a
sound environmental ethic through pollution of water sources. Such behavior
harms the aquatic creatures in the river as well as human persons who may need
to use the water for domestic purposes. According to Gelfand (1979), “the principle
that emerges from… the taboos is that a child must conform and behave like
others in order to avoid an unusual occurrence.” However, what remains
important within the philosophy of Shona taboos are the moral injunctions that
they foster and not simply the observance of principles that lead to desirable
human conduct. The meaning that is carried in taboos is so subtle that children
and adults cannot easily interpret the kind of moral teaching being conveyed.
Although taboos have been adhered to primarily because of the fear associated
with violating them, most importantly, they have a deep moral teaching that
they convey. Thus, the Shona people had, and still have, unique ways of
transmitting social values that are crucial to the development of their society
(Tatira, 2000).
ENVIRONMENTAL
THRUST OF SHONA TABOOS
The Shona people
have always looked at the environment as a very important and inseparable part
of the human community. For them, the environment is important to the
well-being of the individual. Thus, the communitarian nature of Shona society can
be understood in the context of the moral relationship that is struck between
the individual and the environment through the observance of taboos. Such
teachings complement and cement a good moral relationship between the
individual person and the environment. Though Mbiti’s (1969) contention that “I
am because we are”, is anthropocentric as it characterizes the relationship
between the individual and his society, it can also be applicable to the
relationship between the human community and the environment. In this context,
the society is what it is because of the existence of the environment that provides
it with some of its needs and wants. Tatira (2000) rightly notes that “the
Shona people realize the importance of preserving the environment as a factor
in overall development. This knowledge is manifested in some of the taboos that
control child behavior in relation to the environment.” Thus, Shona taboos are
ethical tools that do not only foster good human relations, but also promote
good relations between human beings and nature.
However, the
African communitarian way of life does not end at the level of the human
community, as Mbiti seems to imply. The individual human person or the
communities of human persons among the Shona do not live separately as moral
islands, neither do they live in a moral vacuum. Rather, human persons actually
live, and ought to live, in harmony with the environment. Therefore, Shona
taboos, just like those of any other social grouping, must be understood as
moral rules that regulate human behavior, especially as it impacts negatively
on the environment. In this regard, taboos are meant to make the individual
adjust his interests so that they conform to those of the society and the
environment at large. It can be proposed that the ‘I’ in Mbiti’s declaration “I
am because we are” should take on board the interests of the individual human
persons, while the ‘we’ becomes a broader term referring to the human community
and the environment. Such a conception of the relationship between the human
society and the environment foster a sound environmental ethic that does not
only take into account the well-being of the individual and his community, but
also that of the environment. The environment should be construed as an end in
itself in a similar way that human beings are perceived, rather than viewing it
as a mere means to some human ends. Thus, taboos have an esoteric role towards
nature if considered in terms of their embedded environmental role that they
play.
Besides being a
source of environmental ethics, Shona taboos also cultivate a concept of
wholeness between the human community and the environment. By and large,
observance of the Shona environmental taboos brings about a sustainable use of
the environment and takes into account its wholeness. Thus, Ramose (1999) notes
that: The principle of wholeness applies also with regard to the relation
between human beings and the physical or objective nature. To care for one
another, therefore, implies caring for the physical nature as well.
Without such care,
the interdependence between human beings and the physical nature would be undermined.
The idea of
wholeness of the human being in relation to the environment as enshrined in
Shona taboos is important in fostering a sustainable use and preservation of the
various natural resources, such as water sources, natural vegetation, wildlife,
and endangered non-human species.
TABOOS
PROTECTING WATER SOURCES
Human
civilization values water as one of the most important resources for their
sustenance. It is a resource within the ecosphere that is found in abundance
but requires sustainable use for the sake of posterity. At one level, water
fosters the well-being of human and non-human life. Water can also be used for
domestic purposes, such as drinking, cooking, washing, bathing, and irrigation.
It also contributes significantly towards sustaining the lives of other living
things, such as nonhuman animals and plants. In considering water’s important
role in the sustenance of human life and nature, Aschwanden (1989) notes that
“water is not only nature’s life-giver, but, in the widest sense, it is symbol
of all the kinds of sap which not only
create human
life, but also help sustain it. It comes from God and man, nature and the
creator are united in these symbols.”
The Shona, just
like other human communities, appreciate the value of water to the lives of all
living things by noting that mvura upenyu (water is life). The analogy
between water and life is simply an emphasis on the importance of water in the sustenance
of life. Shona people are conscious of a moral code that promotes the
well-being of not only human beings, but also the environment. For instance,
the Shona have some taboos that prohibit abuse of water sources, such as
wetlands, rivers, and wells. Through these taboos, the Shona have managed,
throughout history, to ensure sustainable use of water resources. Duri and
Mapara (2007) concur with this idea when they argue that, “environmental
management and conservation are not new [to the Shona], but they have always
been part of their tradition.” They dispute colonial environmentalists’
contention that precolonial Africans were not conscious of the need to
sustainably use the resources of nature. Thus, the Shona environmental management
and conservation taboos validate the claim that Shona people had, and still
have, an environmental consciousness that seeks to protect water sources like
rivers, pools, dams, wetlands, wells, and springs. In traditional Shona
communities, there is a heavy dependence on open wells, rivers and springs for
drinking, cooking, bathing, washing, and agricultural and industrial uses. One
environmental taboo that falls within this category is Ukachera mvura
nechirongo chitema, tsime rinopwa, which means “if you fetch water with a
sooty black pot, the well will dry up”. People feel obliged to avoid using
sooty black pots to fetch water. It is important to note that this taboo
discourages people from using pots that are blackened by soot from the
fireplace. Thus, zvinoera kuchera mvura mutsime nechirongo chitema means
“it is taboo to fetch water with a pot that has been blackened with soot from
the fireplace”. This taboo covers other water sources such rivers, dams, and
pools. As Aschwanden (1989) sees it, “[Pools], springs and swamps sustain the
life of the rivers and they give the vital water. Therefore, such places are
regarded as an origin of the fertility of nature. Also, they safeguard human
life and are thus to be especially respected as sacred places.” Among Shona
traditional communities, the well (tsime) is the most common source of
drinking water that deserves high levels of reverence. So, because of that, the
well is a very important place that symbolizes household cleanliness. Such a
high standard of cleanliness is a virtue that every individual craves for and
ought to exhibit in one’s various daily chores. At the same time, boys and
girls make use of the well as a meeting place for courtship. It is common among
the Shona people that a guy may ask for some water to drink from the girl who
would be fetching water from the well. This gesture of asking for some water,
though at times without the aim of quenching thirst, is simply a sign of love
for the girl who would be fetching water from the well. Thus, amongst Shona
girls, no one would want the embarrassment of giving her potential suitor water
using a dirty pot. This taboo is simply an attempt to promote high hygienic
standards in the light of water sources and at the same time, safeguarding the
welfare of the natural environment. Ordinarily, the explanation that is given
by the Shona for deterring people from using a sooty black pot to draw water
from a well is that it would quickly dry up. Knowing the importance and value
of water to human and nonhuman life, no one wants to deliberately contribute to
the drying of wells. So, because of the fear of causing the drying up wells, an
awareness of the danger of using a sooty black pot to fetch water is implicitly
instilled within the individual and the community. Hence, for that reason, an
environmental ethic that promotes good health is inherent within certain Shona
taboos. Tatira (2000) confirms Shona environmental awareness when he noted that
taboos “…are vital in transmitting values on issues pertaining to hygiene.”
An analysis of
Shona environmental taboos shows that deterrence is used as a way of
safeguarding their observance as ethical tools that promotes sustainable use of
nature’s resources. For example, in the taboo that discourages use of sooty
black pots to draw water from the well because it will dry up, individuals are
‘frightened’ that their water source will dry up. Hence, under no circumstance
whatsoever will they use a sooty black pot to draw water from the well.
However, in this context, it is not empirically verifiable that the well will
dry up simply because someone has used a sooty black pot to fetch water from a well.
The explanation that the well will dry up because of the use of a sooty black
pot is proven false when exacted to the standards of scientific verification
(Ayer, 1947). However, the Shona are not interested in the scientific
verification of claims made by taboos. They take the claims of taboos as sacred
and, therefore, in no need for doubting. Shona taboos are simply tailored towards
deterring people from engaging in unhygienic practices that may contaminate
water sources. Although the use of a sooty black pot is said to cause the
drying up of a well, in essence what matters is the underlying environmental
implications of such an action because a sooty black pot contaminates the water
for drinking as well as posing danger to aquatic life.
Another taboo
that discourages the abuse of the water sources is ukawetera mumvura,
unozorwara nechirwere chehozhwe, which means “if you urinate in a water
source, you will suffer from bilharzias”. In this taboo, just like in the first
one, fear of contracting a disease is used as deterrent for those who may be
tempted to urinate in water sources thereby polluting them. Therefore, this
taboo implicitly teaches people to act in a way that is compatible with the
pursuit for a livable environment even though fear of contracting a disease is
used as a deterrent. Thus, the taboo is coined in order to foster environmental
awareness among the Shona. In this regard, Tangwa (2006) notes that “as human
beings, we carry the whole weight of moral responsibility and obligations for
the whole world on our shoulders”. This responsibility is not human centered,
but takes into account the interests of all there is in the world.
Besides being the
habitat for the various aquatic creatures that also need clean water, rivers,
and other water points are important sources of water for drinking, washing,
bathing, and agricultural and industrial purposes in any human society. It is against
this background that the Shona have come up with various taboos that are aimed
at safeguarding the well-being of not only water sources and aquatic life, but
also the human community and the environment. Thus, by discouraging members of the
community from urinating in rivers, the Shona people are simply worried with
the extent to which urine can contaminate water and also how it affects other
aquatic creatures, like fish, given the fact that urine contains some component
of nitrates that causes the accumulation of algae, which is dangerous to
aquatic life. Otherwise, there is no causal relation between urinating in water
sources and contracting bilharzia. Hence, Shona environmental taboos are simply
instruments that are aimed at protecting nature.
Shona
environmental awareness takes a spiritual dimension in that ancestral spirits (midzimu)
are said to be the custodians of nature. Therefore, they have a conscious
interest in the way the living interacts with the environment. It is believed
that the environment, including water sources, should be treated with respect
since their misuse may provoke ancestral spirits who may in turn punish the
human community with droughts and floods. Tangwa (2006) noted that “within the
African traditional outlook, human beings tend to be more cosmically humble and
therefore not only more respectful of other people, but also more cautious in
their attitudes to plants, nonhuman animals, and inanimate things, and to the
various invisible forces of the world.” Thus, such fears of provoking the ire
of ancestral spirits help the Shona to live in harmony with nature.
TABOOS
PROTECTING THE NATURAL VEGETATION AND WILDLIFE
Apart from
protecting water sources and ensuring hygienic standards some Shona taboos are
meant to protect the natural vegetation and the wildlife. These taboos affirm
the intrinsic value that the natural vegetation and its wildlife have, rather than
viewing them as instrumentally valuable. According to Duri & Mapara (2007),
“institutional prohibitions, such as taboos, were designed to develop positive
societal attitudes towards the environment. This also involved restricting the cutting
and using of certain types of vegetation.” Although, in the Shona cosmology,
the natural vegetation and wildlife are used, instrumentally, to fulfill men’s
ends, they also have a significant value because of their spiritual
significance. Certain natural vegetation and wildlife are revered because they
are believed to be hosts of some spiritual forces. It is, therefore, taboo to
visit or defile certain sites that are regarded as sacred. These sacred sites
include certain forests and mountains that members of the Shona communities are
discouraged from visiting, cutting down trees, and hunting wildlife in them For
example, it is believed that the one who visits or defiles a sacred site risks
getting temporarily lost or disappearing forever, and, in some cases, becoming
insane. For instance, in the Shurugwi area of the Midlands Province in
Zimbabwe, there is a myth of members of the apostolic church who disappeared
after they had visited and tried to conduct a church service at the summit of
Guruguru Mountain, which is believed to be sacred among the Shurugwi community.
Although the
actuality of the sacredness of certain sites, natural vegetation, and wildlife
is debatable, it is apparent that such myths help in ensuring a harmonious
relationship between human societies and the whole of nature. More importantly,
there is some ethical import in the taboos that discourages misuse of the
nature’s resources. Such taboos implicitly inform human beings to treat and see
natural vegetation and wildlife as ends in themselves, rather than assuming the
once dominant western, traditional, homocentric view of ethics, where only the
welfare of human beings have intrinsic moral worth (Velasquez &
Rostankowski,
1985). In this regard, taboos protecting natural vegetation and wildlife foster
an environmental ethic that is not anthropocentric, but one that takes on board
the interconnectedness of nature. Tangwa (2006) said,
…African
metaphysical outlook can be described as eco-bio-communitarian, implying
recognition and acceptance of interdependence and peaceful coexistence between
earth, plants, animals, and humans. This contrasts with the western outlook
which might be described as anthropocentric and individualistic.
The Shona
recognizes the interconnectedness and coexistence between people and natural
vegetation and wildlife in so far as playing a crucial role in the sustenance
of human life. According to the Shona belief systems, some sacred sites, such
as mountains, have symbolic importance. For instance, it is believed that these
sacred mountains developed some natural fires as a way of informing people of
the advent of the rainy season. So, because of this belief, it is assumed that
if such sacred areas were tempered with, traditional weather forecasting would
be hindered, thereby adversely affecting the Shona farmers’ agricultural plans.
Some sacred
forests and mountains are reserved for certain Shona traditional ceremonies and
relevant taboos help in preserving them. Such taboos discourage people from
visiting these sites thereby aiding the cause for a harmonious living between
human beings and the whole of nature. This has helped to maintain the
naturalness of sacred places compared to other areas deemed non-sacred, because
people have respect and fear of these areas. This is because sacred places are believed
to be the domain of spiritual forces and, therefore, deserving utmost
reverence. Such a quest for respect for sacred sites as enforced through
environmental taboos fosters the interconnectedness of human beings and the
rest of nature that is predicated on some form of consideration for the
importance of nature. Hence, these sites cannot be visited, especially with the
intention of hunting, collecting firewood, fruits, and other natural resources
for fear of ancestral reprisals. These sacred sites function somewhat as nature
conservation areas or as nature buffer zones. Consequently, this contributes to
a general respect for nature.
The wanton
destruction of the natural vegetation and wildlife has far reaching negative
consequences on the work of Shona traditional healers (n’anga), nonhuman
animal welfare, wildlife habitats, grazing areas, and climatic conditions. In
essence, a heightened destruction of natural vegetation leads to deforestation
that eventually threatens fauna and flora through soil erosion
and global warming. In this regard, Shona taboos are important in curtailing
environmental problems that are humaninduced.
Hence, Shona
environmental taboos have an ethical import that is unconsciously passed from
generation to generation. For example, the Shona people believe ukatema
muhacha, mvura haizonayo, which means “if you cut down the
muhacha tree, it will
not rain”. This taboo is based on the understanding that the muhacha tree
(parinari curatellifolia) is an important fruit tree that produces
fruits that are very nutritional to both human beings and animals, especially
in times of drought where there would be a shortage of food. According to Duri
& Mapara (2007), taboos, like that of the cutting down of muhacha tree,
is still effective up until contemporary times because the Shona people believe
that life should be respected, especially that of little nonhuman creatures
that depend on wild fruits for nourishment. The Shona people also perform some rituals
on the muhacha tree, such as rain-inducing ceremonies. As a result of
the important place of the muhacha trees in the Shona religious
worldview, people feel discouraged from unnecessarily cutting them down for
human uses because they would be afraid of disturbing the rainfall pattern.
For Duri &
Mapara (2007), indigenous fruit trees, like the Muzhanje (vapaka
kirkiana), the Mutamba (strychnos species), the Mutohwe (azanza
garkaena) and the Munhengeni (ximena), are not used as
firewood. The explanations of why this is that were often given were “that they
burn badly, produce a lot of smoke, the smoke produced could choke, or that
they could not last long on the fire.” However, for Duri and Mapara (Ibid),
these explanations were coined in order to protect these tree species and
ensure a continuous supply of fruits that provided the indigenous people with
food and natural sugar, which were important for their health (Ibid). Hence,
taboos associated with natural vegetation are simply an attempt to sustainably
protect nature’s resources for the benefit of present and future generations.
Wildlife
management, too, is an indispensable aspect of the Shona environmental
management. Shona environmental ethics as captured in their taboos, which
differs from the western traditional anthropocentric view of ethics that is
inspired by
Aristotle
(Singer, 1985), who argued that: Plants exist for the sake of animals and brute
beasts for the sake of man-domestic animals for his use and food, wild ones…for
food and other accessories of life, such as clothing and various tools. Since
nature makes nothing purposeless or in vain, it is undeniably true that she has
made all animals for the sake of man.
Shona taboos are
compatible with the modern sentient-based ethics that was popularized by
Utilitarian philosophers, such as Bentham (1748-1832), Mill (1806-1873) and
Singer (Singer, 1993; Boss, 1999), who argued that all sentient beings must be accorded
with moral consideration. Sentience is the ability to experience pain and
pleasure. Therefore, in their interactions with nonhuman animals, human beings
must be conscious of the need to respect nonhuman animals on the grounds of sentience.
Bentham propounded one of the most famous theories that advocates for the
ascription of moral status to nonhuman animals. He held that an act is right if
it gives the greatest net amount of pleasure, wrong if it brings about net unhappiness
to the ones affected by the action. For him, the important feature to put
nonhuman animals in the moral realm must not be reason or whether they can
talk, but whether they can suffer (Regan, 1983). However, Mill rejected
Bentham’s exclusively quantitative comparison of pleasures and insisted that
pleasures differ in quality (Miller, 1983), but he still took nonhuman animal
pleasures and suffering to be of moral significance on their own.
Having noted
that the human propensity for abuse of nonhuman animals and the difficulty of
reconciling the interests of humans with those of nonhuman animals, it can be
argued that the concept of totem (mutupo) is a wildlife conservation strategy.
According to the Shona people, they say ukadya mutupo wako, unozobva mazino,
which means if you eat your totem animal, you will lose your teeth.
It is taboo,
among the Shona, for one to eat one’s totem animal (Bourdillon, 1976).
Otherwise, one risks losing one’s teeth for violating this taboo. Although fear
of losing one’s teeth is cited as the reason for not eating one’s totem
nonhuman animal, it can be argued that such a strategy fosters wildlife
conservation. Such a strategy helps to regulate the use of various nonhuman
animal species and ensure that communities have adequate natural resources for
the benefit of both present and future generations. For Gelfand (1973), these
conservation strategies are based on “…the principle of exogamy” where one
group or family
among the Shona communities, depending on patrilineal identity, is prohibited
from eating certain nonhuman animals, birds, and fish species as a way of
regulating the human usage of nonhuman animals. Duri & Mapara (2007) noted that
taboos concerning totems “…were institutional wildlife conservation measures
meant to preserve various animal species so that they could be saved from
extinction due to unchecked hunting.”
TABOOS
PROTECTING ENDANGERED NONHUMAN ANIMAL SPECIES
Within the
ecosystem, there are certain rare nonhuman animal species that are facing
extinction, such as pythons, pangolins, fish, and rhinoceros. In this regard,
the Shona people have devised strategies of curbing unsustainable use of such
nonhuman animal species by way of taboos. These taboos do not only prohibit
unsustainable use of nonhuman animals, but also prohibits cruelty to creatures,
especially those that are defenseless and harmless. Through such taboos, the
Shona teach people to take nonhuman animals as beings that deserve some form of
moral consideration. Endangered species deserve to be respected because they
also contribute to human well-beings and development through the provision of
meat, medicines, and objects of trade. In this light, Tatira (2000) argues that
“zviera help to uphold societal values, such as the sanctity of human
life, importance of fertility and respect of the small, powerless but harmless
creatures in the environment; all of which are important to development.” The
Shona also have a taboo which says ukauraya shato, mvura haizonayi and
it means “if you kill a python, rain will not fall.” Being a rare, innocent,
symbolic reptile (though, at times, very dangerous if provoked), the python is
one snake, among other creatures, that are protected by the Shona society.
For the Shona
people, the python has some symbolic importance. It is believed that an adult
(who is sexually active) can come across a python; however, those individuals
who are not sexually active cannot encounter it first. Otherwise, if someone
who has never had sexual experience before sees a python before it has been
seen by an adult, it would be considered a bad omen (shura) of things to
come. Normally, such bad omens manifest themselves in the form of sickness or death
of a very close relative. Because of that belief, the Shona, thus, protect the
python as an endangered species since it is symbolic in foretelling events of
what the future holds for human beings. Thus, the fear of inviting a drought as
a result of killing of pythons acts as a deterrent to unnecessary killing of
endangered nonhuman animal species.
A Shona
traditional healer also uses the python’s bones for making his beads (chuma)
that forms part of his regalia. He also uses the python’s fat in order to
prepare his concoctions. Hence, the taboo that a python should not be killed is
meant to protect it from being wantonly killed as it is construed as a very
useful creature to the Shona society, given its symbolic and medicinal
functions. Duri & Mapara (2007) argued that: …the pre-colonial African
communities [including the Shona society] exhibited considerable awareness of the
dangers associated with ecological decay and the importance of living in
harmony with their environment. They had a wide range of techniques to preserve
their environment.
Among the Shona,
just like in other societies, people may be tempted to kill defenseless and
innocent creatures, such as frogs, for fun. Such unchecked destruction of the
seemingly unimportant elements of the natural environment can have a negative impact
on the ecosystem. Singer (1985) stated “when we, humans, change the environment
in which we live, we often harm ourselves.” Thus, the wanton destruction of
endangered species has adverse effects on, not only such species per se, but
also on human beings at large. Hence, the Shona environmental taboos teach
people to be mindful of endangered nonhuman animal species and the natural
environment. In addition, these taboos teach people to desist from being cruel
to defenceless and harmless creatures within the environment.
Another taboo
that prohibits cruelty to endangered species is ukauraya mutsumwatsumwa,
n’ombe dzako dzinozotsemuka minyatso, which means “if you kill a praying
mantis, your cows will crack their teats”. A praying mantis (mutsumwatsumwa)
is a harmless insect. It is believed that if one kills it, the teats of the
udders of the offender’s cows would develop cracks that would make it
difficult to milk them. Considering the importance of cows among the Shona as
providers of dietary needs and as stores of value, no one is prepared to
risk losing his cows by killing a praying mantis. Besides being a symbol of
wealth, the cow can also be used for various other purposes like the
payment of lobola, labor, meat, and milk. It is because of these important
uses of the Shona cow that no one is prepared to abuse the praying mantis for
fear of losing one’s wealth. Hence, this taboo indirectly protects
endangered species, like the harmless praying mantis. It cautions people not to
be ruthless to harmless creatures within the ecosystem. Otherwise, such
ruthlessness may end up hardening one’s heart toward fellow human
beings.
CONCLUDING
REMARKS
This paper has
established that the Shona environmental taboos foster a sustainable use of the
environment. It noted that among the Shona people, an unconscious appreciation
of certain ‘environmental taboos’ informs an esoteric environmentally based
knowledge that is meant at a sustainable use of nature’s resources. The Shona
have an environmental ethic that takes into account the interests of not only
sentient beings, but also nature. Although they do not disapprove of a
sustainable use of nature’s resources, including other living creatures for
draught power and food, they are against wanton destruction of fauna and
flora without justification. They also take great exception to the
cruelty to animals because for them, all animals are sentient and therefore
deserve to be given moral consideration. For them, a person who exhibits
violent surges through cutting down trees without any need for them and cruelty
to other living creatures lacks unhu. For Shona societies, the natural
environment has certain sacred places that are so indispensable in their
religious beliefs, such as certain mountains, curves, rivers, grave sites, and
forests that ought not to be defiled through undue cutting down of trees that
grace them and killing of other living creatures for the sake of it. Therefore,
the Shona cherish a life of living in harmony with the natural environment and
what it holds, as reflected by their penchant to use the environment in a
sustainable way.
Shona taboos are
one of the methods through which desirable conduct is fostered in human beings.
For a person to be said to be morally upright, he has to exhibit desirable
conduct not only to fellow human beings, but to nature. Shona taboos are crucial
not only in preserving the natural environment, but also for fostering
sustainable use of nature’s resources. No one is supposed to abuse nature’s
resources with impunity because these resources are not there just for this
generation, but also for future generations. Thus, the tragedy of the commons
whereby lack of ownership of nature’s resources led to the abuse of the environment
and is prevented by well crafted avoidance rules that are aimed at sustainable
use of nature’s resources. Shona taboos, lastly, protects the water sources,
the natural vegetation and wildlife, and the endangered nonhuman animal
species. Shona taboos, worldwide, are important in fostering a sustainable use
of the nature’s resources.
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